After Four Years Under Chapter 9 Protection SB Emerges From Bankruptcy

U.S. Bankruptcy Judge Meredith Jury on Tuesday, December 6 gave tentative approval of San Bernardino’s bankruptcy exit plan, nearly four-and-a-half years after the 213,000 population county seat’s August 1, 2012 filing for Chapter 9 bankruptcy protection.
The exit strategy was mapped out by lawyers for the city and agreed to, in some cases begrudgingly, by most but not all of the city’s creditors, employees, retirees, bondholders and current and past vendors.
Entities owed money by the city will get varying fractions of what they were once promised. Some fared better than others, with certain bondholders and unsecured creditors due to be paid a mere one percent of what they once had coming to them. Others will get a slightly higher payout on a graduated scale. Those that forged the best deal were city employees, retirees and the California Public Employees Retirement System, known by its acronym, CalPERS. In the first year after the filing was made, the city withheld more than $14 million owed to the state pension system. By the 14th month after the filing, that arrearage had grown to over $16 million Eventually, in May 2014, the city paid $1.5 million to CalPERS as a down payment toward erasing that debt, and agreed to pay nearly $600,000 a month for the two years between July 2014 and June 2016, as well as committing to shell out five annual payments of $400,000 to cover interest and late payment penalty assessments and fines.
Among the city’s creditors that did not fare as well was Luxembourg-based EEPK, holders of the pension bonds, and Ambac Assurance Corp, which indeminfied some of those bonds. When the city failed to provide them with the same terms of repayment as CalPERS, they sued. asserting the bonds and whatever fees associated with them fall under the same pension obligation as the payments to CalPERS. That lawsuit was settled in March 2016 on the basis of an agreement by which the city is to pay not 100 percent but rather 40 percent of what is owed to EEPK and Ambac.
One class of creditors that were really stiffed were litigants and claimants against the city, including ones who had prevailed in certain lawsuits, among them those alleging they had endured civil rights violations relating to excessive use of force by the police department. Those entities and the lawyers representing them will get just a penny on the dollar for the first $1 million in judgments against the city.
City employees and retirees did relatively well under the plan, which preserves pension benefits for current and former workers, though current employees will be called upon to make a greater contribution toward those pension plans, some benefits were reduced or modified. Employees will have to contribute more to their pension plans and the same level of benefits given to employees in the past will not be available for new employees.
A majority of the city’s creditors agreed to the plan, though some stragglers have refused to compromise or are otherwise insisting that the pittance the city has offered does not truly qualify as a compromise.
Chapter 9 of the the United States Bankruptcy Code provides a financially distressed municipality protection from its creditors while it develops and negotiates a plan for adjusting its debts. In a Chapter 9 case, the bankruptcy court is generally limited to determining if the debtor is eligible for filing a Chapter 9 case; confirming a plan of debt adjustment; and ensuring implementation of the plan. At the time San Bernardino declared bankruptcy in August 2012, it had endured two decades of consistently dwindling revenues, expenditures drastically exceeding income, and deteriorating financial numbers that resulted in $80 million in unfunded liabilities and a $49 million annual operating deficit.
Saying the “city came in in financial chaos and it’s leaving in a much better place,” U.S. Bankruptcy Judge Meredith Jury observed that the pain of coming to terms with the city’s financial problems was being doled out generally. “Nobody is walking away from this proceeding without having taken some kind of hit,” she said.
Jury added her perspective that the city was at last making progress after years of spinning its wheels. She said it appeared the city’s leadership had come to terms with the situation and that city officials were no longer squabbling with one another, as was the case four years ago. “This is a very important day for the city,” she said.
Within 30 days, Jury said, her tentative confirmation order whould become official.

Chino Hills, One Of The Last Holdouts Defying Ward Vote Stampede, Capitulates

The City of Chino Hills, the last of San Bernardino County’s cities to resist what a number of local officials have called an extortionate ploy by a consortium of predatory law firms to impose ward systems on the Southland’s municipalities launched 12 months ago, has capitulated to that pressure.
At its November 22 meeting, the Chino Hills City Council assented to moving the city toward a district-based system by the next election cycle. In doing so, the current council, which was elected through an at-large voting system as were all other city councils in the city’s 25-year history, enunciated their uniform and unanimous opposition to the council ward concept, but said they had little choice in the matter. Against their own sentiment, the council members voted 5-0 to transition the county’s southwesternmost city from an at-large to a district-based election system.
Over the last two years, six San Bernardino County cities that traditionally featured at-large city council elections have been forced to embrace ward-based election systems or take substantial steps in that direction. The new election regimes were imposed on those cities as a consequence of the California Voter Rights Act, the terms of which allow a plaintiff or plaintiffs to file legal action alleging polarized voting and collect legal fees upon proving such polarized voting exists. The California Voter Rights Act confers upon plaintiffs a significant advantage, such that even if the challenge does not succeed, a plaintiff is not required to pay the prevailing city’s legal fees.
Because a handful of California cities that resisted challenges made to their election systems under the California Voting Rights Act were unsuccessful in their legal defenses and were forced by the courts to pay substantial amounts to cover those legal fees, most of the cities in San Bernardino County hit with such a demand have made a show of compliance.
Highland was the first San Bernardino County city served with a demand that it alter the way it elects its council members. The lawsuit was filed July 18, 2014 in San Bernardino Superior Court by a Lancaster-based lawyer, R. Rex Parris, in conjunction with the Malibu-based law firm Shenkman & Hughes and the Los Angeles-based Law Office of Milton C. Grimes on behalf of Lisa Garrett, a Latina resident of Highland. In response, the city put an initiative on the November 2014 ballot, Measure T, asking if the city’s residents were in favor of a ward system. Measure T went down to defeat, with 2,862 votes or 43.01 percent in favor and 3,793, or 56.99 percent opposed. The lawsuit proceeded and the city sought to assuage the demand by proposing to allow cumulative voting, in which each voter is given one vote for each contested position and is allowed to cast any or all of those votes for any one candidate, or spread the votes among the candidates. When the matter went to trial, despite making a finding that the socio-economic based rationale presented by the plaintiff’s attorneys to support the need for ward elections was irrelevant and that the plaintiff’s assertion that district voting was the only way to cure the alleged violation of the Voting Rights Act was false, San Bernardino Superior Court Judge David Cohn mandated that Highland adopt a ward system.
In December 2015 Kevin Shenkman, using the letterhead of his firm, Shenkman & Hughes, sent boilerplate letters to the cities of Chino, Upland and Rancho Cucamonga, among nearly a dozen others, asserting the cities “relie[d] upon at-large election system[s] for electing candidates to [their] city council[s]” and charged that “voting within [those cities] is racially polarized, resulting in minority vote dilution, and therefore [those cities’] at large elections are violative of the California Voting Rights Act of 2001. It is our belief [those cities’] at-large system[s] dilute the ability of minority residents – particularly Latinos (a “protected class”) – to elect candidates of their choice or otherwise influence the outcome of [those cities’] council elections.” In those letters, Shenkman threatened to sue the cities “on behalf of residents” if those cities’ at-large council systems were not replaced by ones based on district representation.
To emphasize his point and raise the level of intimidation, Shenkman wrote, “As you may be aware, in 2012, we sued the City of Palmdale for violating the California Voting Rights Act. After an eight-day trial, we prevailed. After spending millions of dollars, a district-based remedy is ultimately being imposed upon the Palmdale city council (sic), with districts that combine all incumbents into one of four districts.”
Chino responded by having its council pass a resolution on a vote of 4-0, invoking by fiat a by-district election system that was in place for last month’s election.
In a highly controversial move that was widely perceived as acceding to extortion, the Upland City Council agreed to draw up the plans for a ward system that the voters could consider. Itr further agreed to pay Shenkman $45,000 in return for Shenkman holding off on filing the suit against the city. The city council then instituted a ward system in Upland on its own authority.
In Rancho Cucamonga, a city with a population of 165,269, where voters had on five occasions elected Latinos to the city council, officials there likewise capitulated to Shenkman’s threats and the city council followed city attorney James Markman’s advice to have an electoral ward map featuring four districts of roughly 41,317 residents each drawn up, which was submitted to the city’s voters on November 11. The measure codifying that map was approved by the city’s voters by a 63.77 percent to 36.33 percent margin.
The city of Yucaipa, while not yet the subject of a demand that it adopt a ward system, eight months ago hired a consultant, Claremont-based National Demographics Corporation, to review establishing voting districts for electing city council members and to draft district election map options. The city council in June adopted one of those maps featuring five wards. The council said it did so to head off any potential future litigation based upon the California Voter Rights Act.
The Redlands City Council, which on its own initiative in May began looking into converting to a council ward system, was likewise threatened by the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund in August with legal action if it did not move immediately to put such a system in place. On August 16, the city council held a specially-called meeting at which it somewhat obsequiously approved a resolution establishing the criteria for five voting districts. It is now finalizing a public input process on drawing up the boundaries of those wards.
On August 9, the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund, known by its acronym MALDEF, sent a letter to the Chino Hills City Council informing that body’s members that unspecified Hispanic residents of Chino Hills have complained of polarized voting in the community.
MALDEF attorney Matthew Barragen demanded that Chino Hills dispense with its at-large election system that has been in place since the city’s inception in 1991. Barragan maintains the at-large election system in Chino Hills interferes with Latino voters electing candidates that they favor. Barragan called upon the city council to adopt a resolution converting Chino Hills’ election process into one involving wards, threatening forthcoming legal action if the city council did not do just that by August 24.
The City of Chino Hills did not exactly snap to in response to Barragan’s threat, at least initially.
A comprehensive legal, political, procedural and governmental analysis showed a lawsuit against Chino Hills based on the California Voters Rights Act would not have an overwhelming prospect of succeeding on the merits and would likely raise issues that would potentially transmogrify the standards under which the previous legal victories enjoyed by plaintiffs in California Voting Rights Act were achieved, leading to what could prove a precedent-setting decision that would undercut the Act altogether.
Lawsuits based on the California Voting Rights Act have been among the most consistently successful class of litigation in California judicial history, a boon to voting rights advocates and a huge cash cow to the lawyers filing them. Dozens of cities throughout the state have been sued for violating the California Voting Rights Act. Only a fraction of those sued have fought back. To date not one city that has actively contested such lawsuits has won. This uncommon string of victories by the plaintiffs, in most cases based upon circumstances where some order of representational imbalance could be illustrated, has bred in potential defendants a timidity that at this point is nearly universal. Given the overwhelmingly successful track record of the plaintiffs in such cases, even those cities with a viable or potentially viable defense have proven increasingly unwilling to roll the dice in making a defense. And the one-sided nature of the Act, which grants plaintiffs virtual immunity in bringing a suit such that even if they lose they are not responsible, as is with civil litigation otherwise in which the loser must pay the legal costs of the prevailing defendant, has tilted the playing field ever more against cities.
In the cases of Rancho Cucamonga, Chino, and Redlands, for example, all of three of those cities capitulated despite their having historically elected Hispanic candidates to their respective city councils, a consideration which seemed to strongly controvert the assertion that those communities were ones in which racially or ethnically polarized voting occurred. In the case of Chino, that city’s most celebrated and successful homegrown politician – Ruben S. Ayala – was a Latino who had risen from being a member of the school board in 1955, then a member of the city council in 1962, and then mayor, never having been rejected by Chino’s voters. His exodus from the city council came only when he moved up the political pecking order, first to the San Bernardino County Board of Supervisors and thenceforward to the California Senate, in all cases with the heavy support of the voters in Chino. More recently, in Redlands, Pete Aguilar, also a Latino, served on the city council, having been chosen by the council to fill in a vacant seat on that panel in 2006, and subsequently being elected in his own right. He was subsequently reelected to the council and chosen to serve as mayor in 2010 and again in 2012. He used that position as a political springboard into higher office, running successfully for Congress as a Democrat in 2014, likewise with the support of a major cross section of Redlands. Historically, Rancho Cucamonga has had Hispanic elected office holders, including councilman Mike Palombo, an early member of the city council, and Rex Gutierrez, who was thrice elected to the city council.
Whether those three cities might have prevailed in any lawsuit filed against them under the California Voters Right Act is a moot point, as all three voluntarily complied with accepting, or allowing their residents to choose, a ward system.
Chino Hills, as much or perhaps more than any city that has ever been so challenged, also had a strong case that it is not out of compliance with the standards outlined in the California Voting Rights Act.
Foremost, Chino Hills currently has, and previously had, Latino elected officials, ones serving on the city council as well as the fire and school boards, a circumstance which directly and convincingly controverts the claim that racially or ethnically polarized voting has occurred there.
Moreover, a watertight case can be made that given the distribution of residents in Chino Hills generally and the distribution of Latinos in Chino Hills in particular, instituting a ward voting system in Chino Hills carries with it the possibility that such a change would not achieve the desired effect of politically empowering the Hispanic population in Chino Hills but rather potentially have the opposite effect of rendering it less likely that a Hispanic candidate would be elected to or remain on the council in Chino Hills.
According to the U.S. Census Bureau, Hispanics in Chino Hills in 2014, the most recent year for which data is available, comprise 28.9 percent of the population. By contrast, Latinos in Chino Hills are outnumbered by the Asian descent population, which stands at 31.8 percent, and the white population, at 50.7 percent. Hispanics in Chino Hills significantly outnumber the black population, which registers at 4.2 percent.
Importantly, the population of Chino Hills is relatively evenly distributed geographically. While the easternmost-lying portion of Chino Hills does have a slightly larger concentration of Hispanics than elsewhere in the city, that number is still not high enough to allow for a district to be drawn there that would have anywhere approaching a Latino majority or even a Latino plurality. In this way, the creation of a ward system there carries with it the possibility that the council’s current Hispanic member, Ray Marquez, would be shunted into a district in which he would have to stand for reelection against other incumbent council members, reducing his chances of remaining on the council. Simultaneously, the creation of other districts in which Latinos hold no registration advantage would not be likely to enhance the prospect of seeing greater Hispanic representation on the council than currently exists.
Nevertheless, the Chino Hills City Council on November 22 threw in the towel, moving toward the creation of a ward system of governance.
In anticipation of what was coming, the Chino Hills City Council at its September 27 meeting voted to retain the services of National Demographics Corporation, the same consultant hired by the City of Chino to draw up its electoral map. Tentatively, National Demographics Corporation is set to gather public input at hearings scheduled for Valentine’s Day, February 14, 2017, and March 14, 2017, and use that to help in formulating a draft map dividing the city into either four or five districts. At present, Chino Hills is one of ten of San Bernardino County’s 24 cities where the mayor is not directly elected by the citizenry but rather chosen by the city council from among its own members. A decision therefore must be made as to whether Chino Hills will continue to elect five members of the council from five separate districts or whether it will elect a mayor at large while electing four council members from four separated districts. The electoral map for Chino Hills, consisting of either four or five districts, is set to be unveiled at a public hearing planned for April 11, 2017. Additional hearings on the draft map are planned for May 2 and May 25. The council intends to vote on a finalized district map on June 27 and anticipates adopting it at its July 11.
This will put districts in place well before the next general municipal election in Chino Hills in November 2018.

CVUSD Pulls Final Plug On Oxford Preparatory Academy Charter Reapplication

Oxford Preparatory Academy’s epic free-fall has continued, as the school that stood at the forefront of academic achievement in San Bernardino County just a year ago has lost its original sponsor and is now in danger of losing its educational franchise along with its hold on existence altogether.
On November 28, the Chino Valley Unified School District Board of Trustees for the second time in less than eight months declined to renew the 6-year-old school’s charter, which is set to expire June 30, 2017.
A key blow to the institution, which had grown to become seen as a feather in the cap of the entire Chino Valley community, came when two of the board members whom Oxford’s supporters had come to rely upon for understanding and sympathy defected to the side inveighing against the school and its management.
The demise of the Oxford Preparatory Academy and its founder was a rapid and precipitous one, mirroring their equally meteoric rise.
Sue Roche had been the principal at Rhodes Elementary School, the highest-performing school in the Chino Valley Unified School District in the early 2000s. With the support of Chino Valley Unified School District Superintendent Wayne Joseph, the district board in 2010 agreed to gamble over $3 million of the district’s revenue in having the district sponsor the establishment of Oxford Preparatory Academy, Roche’s brainchild, with Roche at the helm. Initially, both the district and Oxford’s advocates considered housing the charter school at the former Los Serranos Elementary School site in Chino Hills, but eventually settled on converting El Rancho Elementary School, located at the corner of C Street and Oaks Avenue in Chino, into the Oxford grounds. The academy was to be devoted to innovative and specialized approaches to the education of students from kindergarten to the 8th grade, using an even more intensified application of Roche’s already proven formula that relied on heavy parental involvement and steady doses of academic focus in the classroom.
That move exceeded even the most optimistic of expectations. Students at Oxford Preparatory Academy performed spectacularly on academic achievement tests administered by the state and in 2011 collectively outperformed their counterparts at every other elementary and junior high school in San Bernardino County.
For three years running, Oxford had the highest score of any school in the county on California’s Standard Testing And Reporting exams, in 2011, 2012 and 2013. Known by the acronym STAR, the tests provide an academic performance rating or index, known as API, for second through 11th graders in every class, and at every school and district in the state. The tests measured students’ progress toward achieving California’s state-adopted academic content standards in English–language arts, mathematics, science, and history/social science. The results were used, until 2014, for student and school accountability purposes. Oxford had an Academic Performance Index (API) score of 958 in 2011 and improved to 972 in 2012.
Enthusiasm for the Oxford undertaking was so high that the number of student applicants to attend the school routinely outran the number of desks and classroom space for them by as much as 600 per year, requiring that the district hold a lottery as a means of granting admission to it. Even more significantly, Joseph had to take the extraordinary step of forging a memorandum of understanding between the district and Oxford Preparatory, preventing the academy from poaching the district’s highest performing teachers. That memorandum of understanding prohibited district teachers from taking a leave of absence from the district to teach at the charter school. The charter school was also tasked with the responsibility of providing special education services.
In 2011, the school board unanimously extended Oxford’s charter for five years, from 2012-13 through 2016-17.
In the meantime, Roche expanded the Oxford model, convincing the Capistrano Unified School District to sponsor another campus, the Oxford Preparatory Academy in Mission Viejo. Roche transferred Jason Watts, who had been the principal at Oxford Preparatory Academy in Chino to Mission Viejo, where he served as the Mission Viejo’s inaugural principal/chancellor.
At the Mission Viejo campus, students rang up an impressive 993 academic performance score on the 1,000-point maximum index during the first year the school was open.
A year ago, it would have appeared unthinkable that the Chino Valley Unified School District would not renew the academy’s charter for 2017-18 and the four school years beyond that when the date to do so in March was approaching. Yet the school board did just that.
Roche, who for years had garnered kudos and accolades for her formula without achieving a commensurate financial reward, at some point resolved to cash in. She withdrew from the position of executive director of Oxford Preparatory’s corporate entity and promoted Barbara Black to that position, while assuming an undefined administrative role in the academy that would in time come to be occupied not by herself but a for-profit entity, Edlighten Learning Solutions, in which she is the central figure and prime mover.
Upon Roche’s direction, Black had Oxford Charter Academy enter into a contractual arrangement that would have paid Edlighten $5.3 million to, essentially, employ Roche as the school’s contract administrator and operations director.
With the date for the school board’s determination with regard to renewing Oxford’s charter approaching last spring, Joseph learned of what Roche had done. Roche was, Joseph became convinced, seeking to financially exploit the non-profit Oxford Preparatory Academy. He publicly accused Roche of creating and then engaging in a financial conflict of interest which would have the effect, he implied, of shortchanging Oxford Preparatory’s students while enriching herself. Roche had engaged in “arrogance, overreach and greed” in the administration of the academy which victimized Oxford’s students and parents, Joseph told the school board, while employing “machinations” by which she fired dedicated educational professionals or otherwise advanced herself. Roche, the superintendent said, was cynically manipulating the academy’s reliance on consultants to line her pockets. In compliance with Joseph’s recommendation, the school board declined to renew Oxford’s charter.
Initially, Oxford’s internal board asserted the school district’s action was unjustified but then regrouped and terminated its relationship with Roche and Edlighten in May. It then appealed the district’s decision to the county school board, but that body declined to take any action, maintaining that by changing its management structure, the proposal that Chino Unified had rejected no longer existed. Oxford then turned to the State Department of Education, seeking to get a charter from it. In the meantime, San Bernardino County Superintendent of Schools Ted Alejandre made his request for an audit.
In the intervening period, Oxford’s internal board and management came back to the Chino Valley Unified School District, hat in hand, and asked the board to reconsider the application for the renewal of its original charter along with a request to expand itself into a second campus on the site of the former Los Serranos Elementary.
But the fates appear to have been against Oxford. As the school board was about to take up that request, the Fiscal Crisis & Management Team, an adjunct to the California Department of Education, delivered the 45-page audit summary and report it had undertaken at Alejandre’s behest last week, highlighting the conclusion that Roche’s action may have crossed the line into criminality. The audit cataloged how Roche created a system that involved Yorba Linda-based Edlighten and another entity, the Nevada corporation Educational Excellence, in dodging accountability through what was characterized as a “daisy chain” of payments between for-profit companies which employed her family, friends and associates. Roche purposefully hid or obscured financial transactions and operations in such a way that the auditors, not to mention Chino Valley Unified officials and even Oxford’s own in-house employees could not easily track them, according to the audit report. Ultimately, public school funding was diverted to bank accounts controlled by Roche and her associates, according to the audit. Oxford Preparatory, Edlighten and Educational Excellence employed several of Roche’s relatives, including her husband Terry, daughter Rebecca Baty, son Brian Roche and cousin Nick Califato, all of whom were paid through the organization
“Interviews indicate that following the petition renewal in 2012, the founder created a complex structure of charter management corporations that exercised significant influence over transactions and contracts between these entities, and secured considerable financial benefit through contracts that charged management service fees up to 10 percent, funneling charter school dollars from Oxford Preparatory Academy schools,” the audit report states, such that Oxford was charged “for services that already existed.”
Oxford Preparatory paid Edlighten $4.2 million in management fees between January 2013 and June 2016, according to the audit. Those numbers were steadily growing, from $821,490 in 2013, $1.2 million in 2014 and $1.3 million in 2015. Edlighten was on track to take in more than $2 million from the academy in 2016, when Edlighten’s contract with Oxford was terminated in May. Because of that, Edlighten received payments of just $834,522 in 2016.
Roche’s actions were both deliberate and calculated, the auditors opined, and they said there was “sufficient evidence that affiliated and/or related party organizations were intentionally created to divert and launder funds from Oxford Preparatory Academy.”
The auditors called upon Alejandre to inform “the governing board of Oxford Preparatory Academy charter school, the governing board of the Chino Valley Unified School District, the State Controller, the Superintendent of Public Instruction, and the local district attorney that fraud, misappropriation of assets or other illegal activities may have occurred.”
The timing for Oxford was execrable. Oxford supporters said that they had buttonholed board president Andrew Cruz and board members James Na and Sylvia Orozco to explain to them that despite whatever transgressions Roche had engaged in, the school yet stands as an exemplary educational venue and that the students there were achieving academic success and seeing a benefit far in excess of the cost the district was bearing in keeping the campus open. They said they were relatively confident Cruz and Na had made a “moral commitment” to at least keep the existing campus up and running, and that Orozco was leaning in their direction. They said they were cautiously optimistic the board would also support the opening of the second campus.
All that was dashed in the wake of the audit release and recommendations against renewing the charter made by superintendent Joseph. Joseph accused elements connected with Oxford of having whipped the parents of Oxford students into a lather against him, the district and the board by misdirecting the responsibility for what has happened with the academy. “Oxford has only Oxford to blame,” Joseph said. “Their wounds are self-inflicted.” He said the suggestions that he was purposefully destroying the academy was a fabrication by arrogant administrators at Oxford, who had failed to come to terms with the gross wrongdoing at the original campus and then engaged in the “height of hubris” by pushing forward with a proposal to open a second campus before the audit was complete.
The board voted unanimously to deny the charter renewal, as well as against allowing the expansion to the Los Serranos campus.
Marc Greenberg, Sue Roche’s attorney, told the Sentinel the audit and its report were flawed by the assumption that Roche’s independent companies were not permitted to provide services to the academy. Greenberg said that neither Edlighten nor Educational Excellence were affiliated with the Oxford board and were thus legally permitted to have a contractual relationship to the academy under its charter.
Greenberg said that Joseph had cooked up the charges of misfeasance and malfeasance against Roche out of discomfiture and embarrassment over the entity she had created and supervised – Oxford – having consistently outperformed the schools under Joseph’s direct supervision.

New Guard & Old Guard Given Council Oaths

The conclusion of the 2016 election cycle last month has led to the changing of the guard with respect to a number of San Bernardino County political positions.
In Chino Hills, there was no change on the city council with the November 8 election when both Cynthia Moran and Art Bennett were reelected. On November 22, however, Ray Marquez, who has been on the city council since 2013, was selected by his colleagues to serve as Chino Hills mayor for the next year.
In neighboring Chino, both Tom Haughey and Glenn Duncan, the incumbents up for election in the city’s newly created District 1 and District 4 voting areas ran unopposed. Mayor Dennis Yates did not seek reelection and Eunice Ulloa, the incumbent in what is considered to be District 2, successfully vied for mayor. She was sworn in this week. As a result of her victory in the November 8, 2016 Chino General Municipal Election for mayor, a vacancy on the council has been declared in Ulloa’s District 2 position. In order to fill that vacancy, the Chino City Council has opted to accept applications and appoint a qualified individual to serve the remaining term of District 2, which expires in November 2018. Curiously, the application for that position is not limited merely to residents of District 2 but is open to all individuals who are residents and registered voters in the City of Chino.
There was no changing of the guard in Montclair, where incumbents John Dutrey and Carlyn Raft were reelected.
In Ontario, on December 6, Ruben Valencia, who ousted city councilman Paul Vincent Avila, when Valencia outpolled all nine of the other candidates in the race, including Avila and incumbent councilwoman Debra Dorst-Porada, was sworn into office. Porada hung on to her position by placing second. She was given the oath of office as well. Valencia’s ascendency makes for an interesting circumstance, as he lost to councilman Alan Wapner during a bitter campaign two years ago.
In Upland, the council will not meet until next Monday, at which point Debbie Stone, who bested Glenn Bozar in the race for mayor to succeed Ray Musser, will be installed. She will be joined by Janice Elliott, who was elected to the council post vacated by Bozar in his mayoral run. In the weeks ahead, the council will move to fill the position vacated by Stone as a result of her elevation to mayor. Speculation is that the position will go to either the second place finisher in the council race, Sid Robinson, or to Stephen Dunn, Upland’s former city manager and finance director who unsuccessfully ran for treasurer this year.
In Rancho Cucamonga, incumbents Lynne Kennedy and Sam Spagnolo carried the day on November 11.
In Fontana, Jesse Armendarez will not be sworn into office to replace incumbent Lydia Salazar-Wibert until next Tuesday.
In Rialto, no incumbents ran for council on November 11. Accordingly, on December 13 Andy Carrizales and Rafael Trujillo, who bested all others in the nine-way race, will be sworn into office, as will be incumbent mayor Deborah Robertson, who won reelection.
In Colton, where both of the incumbents who sought reelection, Isaac Suchil in District 6 and Frank Navarro in District 3, were victorious, the council saw a transition on Tuesday when Jack Woods, who prevailed over three others in November in the race to succeed incumbent Deirdre Bennett, who did not run, was sworn in.
Next week, Brian Reinarz will be sworn into office to replace outgoing Grand Terrace councilwoman Jackie Mitchell, who did not seek reelection. The other two incumbents in the Blue Mountain City, Sylvia Robles and William Hussey, ran in November and won.
There was no change in Loma Linda.
In Highland, newly elected council members Jesse Chavez and Anaeli Solano, whose political fortunes were advanced by the advent of a council ward system in this year’s vote, will be sworn in next week.
Next Tuesday in Redlands, Eddie Tejada will be sworn in to succeed John “Jim” James, whom Tejada edged by a .4 percent margin on November 11. Incumbent Pat Gilbreath, who handily won election this year, will remain in place.
In Yucca Valley, Jeff Drozd was sworn in to office on Tuesday. Incumbent Robert Lombardo survived the election.
In Twentynine Palms, Steve Bilderain was sworn into office, replacing Cora Heiser, who did not seek reelection.
In Needles, two new members of the city council, Clayton Hazlewood and Tona Belt, will be sworn into office next Tuesday.
On Tuesday, Rebekah Swanson and Larry Bird were sworn into office in the City of Progress, changing by two fifths the composition of the Hesperia City Council. Gone are Eric Schmidt, who failed to capture reelection, and Don Leonard, who did not run after 12 years on the council.
Vctorville Mayor Gloria Garcia and Victorville Councilman Jim Cox, who both won re-election in November, were joined on the council dais by Blanca Gomez, who ousted incumbent councilman Ryan McEachron and caught Lionel Dew, who was ahead in the voting during the earliest returns, for her council berth.
In Adelanto and Apple Valley, there was no change in the council composition in that city and town. In Adelanto, Jermaine Wright and Ed Camargo were comfortably reelected. In Apple Valley, Larry Cusack and Art Bishop similarly trounced their competition.

Deficit Spending Notation In Central SD Resurrects Political Collusion Accusations

By Mark Gutglueck
Charges which surfaced at the height of this year’s electoral season that the administration in the Central School District had utilized public money for political purposes was resurrected this week when a district official offered information which suggests a mailer sent out in October contained an overly optimistic misrepresentation of the district’s state of finances.
The first week of October, the district at a $7,800 expense sent out a mailer to 18,000 households within the boundaries of the Central School District. Ostensibly, that flier outlined educational and other programs available at district schools and provided an update on Measure N, a $35 million bond approved by voters in 2014 to repair and update facilities. It stated “The Board of Trustees approved a 44 million dollar balanced budget for 2016-17, just four years after the biggest spending cuts California has ever seen in K [Kindergarten] thru 12 education.” Further down on the page it listed the names of the district’s board of trustees – Joan Weiss, Kathy Thompson, Stacy Henry, Hugh Jackson and Barbara Rich, in that order – as well as the district’s superintendent, Donna Libutti.
The mailer arrived in the mailboxes of district residents just as the absentee ballots and sample ballots for the November 8 election were being delivered to registered voters throughout the county, including those in the Central School District. The City of Rancho Cucamonga boasts five school districts, of which the seven-school Central School District is one. The district and Libutti came under fire at the time the mailer went out because two of the district incumbent board members, Joan Weiss and Kathy Thompson, were being challenged by Robert Moya, a retired railroad executive who has a grandchild attending school in the district. The mailer celebrated the district’s recent accomplishments and listed programs and activities at the district’s schools, while touting Central as “one of the top school districts in the county.” It read, in part, “The district maintains high levels of accountability and transparency to ensure all funds received are used to meet the needs of all students.”
It was alleged that the mailer was a thinly-veiled effort to boost the campaigns of Weiss and Thompson. Libutti, who had made no secret of her support of the incumbents and had been criticized by Moya on a number of issues, publicly took responsibility for the creation and posting of the brochure. Libutti was using public money, her detractors charged, to improperly advantage Weiss and Thompson. Ultimately, Weiss and Thompson were victorious on November 8.
The matter would have receded into obscurity but for a development this week, when Lori Isom, the district’s assistant superintendent for business services gave the district’s first interim financial report on the district’s ongoing 2016-17 budget. In the report, Isom contradicted the information in the mailer sent out in October. In 2016-17, Isom projected, the Central School District would, by the end of the fiscal year on June 30, 2017, show a deficit of $985,205.97 based upon conservative calculations. Additionally, Isom said, the district would run deficits of $1,975,330.11 in 2017-18, and $2,060,151.05 in 2018-19. Isom used the term deficit in reference to a situation in which the district’s income in those years would fall below the amount of expenditures. She said the calculations were made upon the assumption that the district would receive the least amount of revenue due it from its various state and federal sources and that its expenditures would be the maximum that could be anticipated, given normal expenditure factors such as teacher leave and sick time. In all likelihood, Isom said, the deficit the district would actually run in each of those years would be less than projected. She said that because of declining enrollment at the district’s schools, the district would be reducing its faculty numbers, largely through natural attrition brought on by teacher retirements on a yearly basis. Despite the projected spending deifits, the district would remain solvent, Isom said, by virtue of its beginning balance available at the beginning of each fiscal year, consisting of a combination of carryover funds from the previous years and the district’s reserves.
In this way, Isom said, the district had a beginning balance of $7,425,662.33 as of July 1 of this year; will have a beginning balance of $6,490,456.36 as of July 1, 2017; and a beginning balance of $4,515,126.25 on July 1, 2018. The district is projected to take in $44,756,242 this current fiscal year and spend $45,750,447.97; receive $42,886,277 in fiscal 2017-18 and spend $44,861,607.11 in the same time frame; and bring in $43,258,150 in 2018-19 and spend $45,358,201.05 during those 12 months, again according to Isom’s conservative projections.
Isom said the district is required each year to give a certification of its financial condition to the state, using three standards: positive, meaning it is projected to meet all of its financial obligations for the next three years and maintain a three percent reserve; qualified, meaning it might not meet all of its financial obligations for the next three years and still maintain a three percent reserve; and negative, meaning it definitely will not meet its financial obligations over the next three years while maintaining a three percent reserve. Recording a negative financial certification can trigger the state’s takeover of a financially challenged district.
Isom said the Central School District is able to maintain its positive qualification, despite the projection of deficit spending, because of the cushion of the beginning balance projected for each respective budget for 2016-17, 2017-18 and 2018-19.
David J. Palmer, a parent in the Central School District, this week told the Sentinel, “The Central School District superintendent mailed a controversial brochure update during the recent election to the community that stated: “The Board of Trustees approved a 44 million dollar balanced budget for 2016-2017, just four years after the biggest spending cuts California has ever seen in K thru 12 education.” This was controversial, as it was brought to the public’s attention that this may have been a political move by the superintendent to help the incumbents’ re-election campaign. The brochure cost the district $7,800 to produce and mail. Previous updates were produced in house and sent home with students. The district has now admitted it is in a state of deficit spending and it projects that runaway spending will continue. This proves that the brochure was a lie and corroborates the allegation that it was sent as a political move.”

Navajo Woman Fires Deputy Public Defender Who Called Her “Jaws”

by Ruth Musser-Lopez
One week ago, in a Victorville courtroom, a row of orange suited male inmates waiting their turn for justice were grinning and choking back delight while Kristen Raquel Arthur, in a dramatic display of apparent competency, confidently stood before a judge, and “fired” the deputy public defender who was assigned to her case. By all outward indications, the defendant, who is being forced to submit to a mental competency examination and hearing, appears to be quite lucid.
“I want to fire my public defender” Kristen said. “He don’t communicate. He made fun of me. I want to get my lawyer in (to help me get back on track) for the career I want to pursue.”
Judge Charles Umeda, presiding over the court, turned to the deputy public defender sitting beside her, and asked for an explanation.
Deputy public defender Eric McBurney iterated that earlier in the morning the defendant had informed him that she had new representation, Jerry Steering, who had a previous court engagement and could not be at the hearing that day. Umeda, after looking at his calendar, set a new court date, after which Kristen responded: “He,” looking at McBurney, “was the one who thought I was incompetent.”
Umeda replied, “Well, we are going to set the hearing for next week now, Friday at 8:30, do you understand?”
Kristen replied with a smile, “Yes.”
Arthur, had previously been characterized by McBurney, as “the Shark” for having bitten a cop. Calling her “Jaws” prior to the judge entering, McBurney’s insult evinced laughter from a crowded court room when an earlier preliminary hearing was about to get underway. Today, again before Judge Umeda in Victorville Superior Court, she was represented by John Ponce, a Victorville criminal lawyer. It is anticipated that the new representation will be granted time to familiarize himself with the case in which Kristen is accused of battery upon a law enforcement officer.
Kristen Arthur, however, alleges, and there appears to be evidence to indicate, that she was falsely arrested and incarcerated on May 11 when she was offered “a lift” home by a female deputy after she left the Circle K in Needles, transported in a patrol unit to a crime scene at another location where a second deputy was waiting, pulled by her hair to force her out of the car, tazed and handcuffed, slung to the ground, prodded in the anus and then beaten by the two deputies who are now saying she attacked them. Kristen asserts that after she had been mauled by them, one reached toward her mouth, at which point she reacted by biting.
At an August hearing, a psychiatric examination was ordered by the court, and supervising deputy public defender Mark Shoup argued that there were extenuating circumstances during the arrest that caused Kristen to behave in a manner that is unlikely to ever happen again. “Kristen has been in custody for three months, which is more time served than if she would have actually been convicted of the offense of vandalism,” Shoup said.
The initial arrest and detainment in the patrol vehicle appears to be without cause since the “suspect,” according to the police report, was actually a male wearing a ball cap. It is now acknowledged that Kristen Arthur did not fit the description of the suspect. Though the initial charge of Vandalism PC 594(A) – the breaking of a window – used as justification for detaining and holding Arthur was dismissed two days later, on May 13, 2016, new charges of two counts of assault against a police officer PC 243 (b) were filed at that time and the bail was increased from $100,000 to $250,000.
Jerry Steering, who is known as the “police misconduct” attorney, stated “a cop who violates your constitutional rights will almost always try to frame you for a resistance arrest. The police are often successful in their attempt to shift the blame for their use of unreasonable force upon their false arrest of innocents by procuring the bogus criminal prosecution of their innocent victims for a ‘resistance offense.’”
Assault on a peace officer, is considered a “resistance offense.” Steering said that a tactic frequently used by prosecutors to keep law enforcement officers from being sued for the use of excessive force is to “stomp their victims into submission by overcharging innocents to keep them in jail on high bail. That often results in a guilty plea to a ‘resistance offense’ to just get out of jail. That precludes an innocent defendant from successfully suing the police.”
After being booked, Kristen was not allowed to have visitors for 60 days. Booking photos are not available and she asserts no photos were allowed to be taken of her. She claims that her face was bruised and beaten and that booking photos were not taken for that reason. She was incarcerated and was not allowed to make contact with her family in Needles, who at first had no idea what happened to her.
The district attorney’s office is now arguing that Kristen is “incompetent” to stand trial under California Penal Code Section 1368 and is dangerous. It has been suggested that the officers might prevent her from testifying against and about what happened by sending her to Patton Hospital, which is reserved for the criminally insane.
The case prognosis has significantly shifted in her favor with the retaining of a private attorney who can potentially build a civil case during the criminal trial.

Forum… Or Against ’em

By Count Friedrich von Olsen
In the last fortnight, well over half a decade after Southern California Edison engaged in a cascade of mistakes and boneheaded decisions in moving ahead with the installation of defective replacement steam generators in 2010 and 2011 that ultimately resulted in tube leaks, system degradation, the release of radiation and ultimately the permanent shutdown of the San Onofre nuclear plant, two further elements of the crooked deal hatched in 2014 by our crooked governor and his cronies to transfer the lion’s share of the $4.7 billion cost of closing down the San Onofre plant from Edison to that company’s customers played out…
In the first, Maribeth Bushey, an administrative law judge with the California Public Utilities Commission who was looking into the matter relating to having Southern California Edison ratepayers cover $3.29 billion – 70 percent – of the nuclear plant closure cost at San Onofre was hired as a vice president of Advanced Microgrid Solutions, which is essentially a corporate extension of Edison…
In the second, Governor Brown appointed Democratic Congressman Xavier Becerra as California Attorney General, virtually assuring that everyone involved in this illegal mish-mash will go unprosecuted…
In 2012 what was supposed to be a routine refueling and replacement of the reactor vessel head at San Onofre resulted in a radioactive leak largely – though not entirely – inside the containment shell and the entire reactor was shut down as a precaution, whereupon an inspection of both of the reactor’s units found premature wear on over 3,000 tubes in 15,000 places, a by-product of shoddy engineering and workmanship during the 2010/2011 steam generator replacement. Company officials, in what was likely the most responsible move they could make and which, to their credit they did make, elected to shut the facility down, permanently. Following that debacle, they set about at once finding a way to minimize the expense of that move, which, if things had been done rightly and properly, they would have borne in its entirety. Instead, they essentially bribed our governor and a whole host of California’s public officials to transfer that burden to Edison’s customers…
Edison plied its case to the California Public Utilities Commission, the members of which are appointed by and serve at the pleasure of the governor, that the company – or more precisely it’s stockholders – should not bear the brunt of the plant closure cost. Ultimately, the commission would sign off on an arrangement through which Edison would be free to defray 70 percent of the cost through rate hikes on its customers…
At that time, Michael Peevey was the chairman of the California Public Utilities Commission. Peevey was the former president of Edison, having served in that capacity before he was appointed to the California Public Utilities Commission originally by Governor Gray Davis. He is married to Carol Liu, a Democratic California State Senator who left office on November 30. He is a major mover and shaker in the Democratic Party’s California fundraising machine…
During 2012 and 2013, Peevey was engaged in a secret dialogue with Stephen Pickett, Edison’s executive vice president, and other Edison corporate officers, the gist of which pertained to how Edison might ensure that the cost of the San Onofre plant closure would be transferred to the company’s customers rather than its stockholders. Mr. Peevey, in his role as chairman of the California Public Utilities Commission, was supposed to be looking after the interests of California’s citizens. Instead, he was colluding with the industry he was supposed to be regulating. Over time, a plan evolved. The deal was sealed, essentially, on March 26, 2013, far from Southern California it would turn out, at the Bristol Hotel in Warsaw, Poland, where Peevey met with Pickett and hammered out a deal by which utility customers are to pay $3.29 billion of the $4.7 billion in costs for the full shuttering of the plant.
Between 2011 and 2014, $4.4 million originating with energy companies was donated to the Democratic Party. A considerable amount of that money came from Edison. In roughly the same time period, according to Consumer Watchdog, the Democratic Party infused Brown’s reelection campaign fund with $4.7 million…
An egregious example of this pay-to-skate formula is Southern California Edison’s donation of $130,000 to the California Democratic Party on March 26, 2013, the very day that Public Utilities Commission President Michael Peevey was in the swanky Bristol Hotel in Warsaw cutting the above-referenced deal with Mr. Pickett…
There are other indicators that our governor is into this up to his neck. Consider that on June 6, 2013, the day before the utility announced it would not seek to restart San Onofre, Governor Brown was meeting with President Barack Obama and Chinese President Xi Jinping in Palm Springs. In such exalted company, one might be expected to turn his cell phone ringer off. Not our governor. In the midst of that meeting, Governor Brown received a call from Edison International Chairman Ted Craver. With the two presidents standing by and forced to engage in a little bit of idle chit-chat, Governor Brown took Craver’s call, during which Craver informed him of the decision to close the San Onofre plant for good. According to an email Craver wrote to his board of directors, the governor was supportive of Edison’s plan to douse the reactor. During the call, Craver provided Brown with talking points, to the effect that Edison was “taking the high road” and “insuring system reliability for our customers.” The next day Brown put out a news release in which he was quoted as saying, “Since the San Onofre nuclear power plant went offline last year, energy utilities and the state have worked to provide Southern California with reliable electric power year round.” A coincidence, perhaps…
We now know these things because of the persistent and intrepid efforts of a public interest lawyer down in San Diego – former assistant U.S. Attorney Michael Aguirre. Mr. Aguirre and private investigators working for him unearthed evidence of the Warsaw meeting between Peevey and Pickett almost two years after it occurred. Mr. Peevey’s failure to disclose that meeting is a violation of the law, but he has yet to be prosecuted. Late last year, the commission fined Edison for having engaged in the secret conferences with Mr. Peevey. Edison thought that was the end of it. But many people feel that those secret meetings set up a circumstance that has resulted in customers taking a $3.3 billion hit. Mr. Aguirre’s investigators and others have dredged up some other interesting tidbits…
It seems that our governor has taken an interest, as he should, in matters pertaining to utilities and both the development and delivery of energy in the Golden State. I must report, however, that some of that interest pertains not to making sure that the citizens of California are getting a square deal, but that he is able to cash in personally on the energy bonanza. I have it on the highest authority that last year our governor used his executive power to extract from California’s oil regulating agency maps, geologic surveys and records relating to oil and natural gas reserves beneath his family’s 2,700-acre ranch in Colusa County. Furthermore, Governor Brown has not merely entrusted decisions pertaining to California’s utility companies to the commission but has on occasion pressured commissioners to change their votes. Communications in the form of emails and text messages that have been obtained by lawyers, investigators and journalists show that Governor Brown is told in advance – well in advance – of actions to be taken by the commission. Why and how? Because his right-hand woman, that is, his chief of staff, is Nancy McFadden, who was previously a senior vice president at Pacific Gas & Electric…
There are indicators that graft has invaded our state government at the highest level…
Governor Brown’s office has steadfastly refused to release his emails, even when they bear directly on issues of public policy such as those involving the California Public Utility Commission. But some of these emails have been obtained indirectly from some of those to whom they have been mailed and communications between others have surfaced, the contents of which raise serious questions about the degree of the governor’s complicity in some shady dealing and his inability or unwillingness to hold commissioners and others who have violated the public trust to account…
Earlier this year, there was a ray of hope. It seemed, for a fleeting moment at least, that the festering circumstance involving the closure of the San Onofre plant was going to be given the disinfectant of some sunlight. In May, due to Aguirre’s incessant importuning, California Public Utilities Commissioner Catherine J.K. Sandoval and Administrative Law Judge Maribeth Bushey gave indication that they wanted to revisit the entire matter. Judge Bushey and Ms. Sandoval said the meeting between Michael Peevey and Stephen Pickett gave them pause and they wanted to determine if something untoward went on…
Now comes word that Bushey has been hired by Advanced Microgrid Solutions, an energy-storage start-up with its corporate headquarters in San Francisco. The company was founded by Susan Kennedy, herself a former member of the California Public Utilities Commission as well as the chief of staff to Republican governor Arnold Schwarzenegger and cabinet secretary in the administration of former governor Gray Davis. Advanced Mircorgrid Solutions is a creature of Edison, described variously as an Edison contractor or one of its corporate subdivisions. Bushey is to lead Advanced Microgrid’s legal and government relations divisions. She left her gig with the California Public Utilities Commission in October, prior to the inquiry she had begun in May being completed…
Governor Brown’s appointment of Xavier Becerra, a tried and true Democrat, as California Attorney General coincided with the California Supreme Court’s refusal to take up an appeal on a lawsuit brought by Mr. Aguirre seeking release of 65 known emails that passed between Governor Brown and/or his office and the California Public Utilities Commission regarding the San Onofre nuclear plant. Both the governor and the commission have declined to release those communications. In 2015, Mr. Aguirre brought suit over the matter in San Francisco Superior Court, which agreed to take the case. But the utilities commission sought relief from the appeals court, which agreed with the California Public Utilities Commission and blocked the emails’ release. Aguirre sought review by the California Supreme Court, which denied that petition…
One hand washes the other, it seems. Attorney General Becerra is not going to prosecute our crooked governor. I guess, in a court of law, we can’t prove that our governor is a crook, even though he is one…
Here’s hoping he sues me and the Sentinel for libel. But he won’t do that. Truth is an absolute defense in any libel action. Besides, if he does sue, then we will get to see those emails, which will prove he is a crook…

Don Maroney 1920-2016

Don Maroney

Don Maroney

By Mark Gutglueck
Donald Maroney, one of the longest serving city attorneys in San Bernardino County and California history, died on December 3.
Maroney’s was a brilliant mind that was channeled into the arena of law for 46 years.
Before attending law school or passing the state bar, Maroney racked up a series of accomplishments that distinguished him and his intellect. By his early trajectory he seemed destined for a career in high finance or the field of banking at the international level or with the Federal Reserve, but a handful of events would shift his focus and redirect him toward a legal career.
Even before he was born, Donald Maroney was recognized as precious human cargo. He was born in a hospital in Salt Lake City, Utah, to which his father, George Maroney, had driven his mother, Faith Maroney, because at that time the maternity ward in the hospital at Boise, Idaho, where the couple resided, was less thoroughly equipped and boasted a less-experienced staff than the one across the state line.
George Maroney was the county agent in Boise. Faith Maroney was a former concert pianist who worked as a piano teacher. Donald Maroney was six years old when he moved with his parents to California, where George Maroney would obtain a professorship at Pasadena City College, teaching chemistry. In 1930, the family settled in Modesto, where George Maroney taught chemistry, biology and physiology and coached the golf team at the junior college there. In high school, Don Maroney proved himself a gifted tennis player, earning his varsity letter in the racket sport. He was also a consummate violinist, meriting the position of first chair in the high school band. Upon graduation, Maroney matriculated at the University of California at Berkeley, where he majored in economics, graduating with a Bachelor of Science degree in 1942.
At that point, as was the case for practically every American of his generation, Don Maroney’s life was interrupted by the Second World War. In 1943 he joined the Navy and was accepted into officer training school at Northwestern University near Chicago and was on track to becoming a PT boat captain. By his own account, he grew skittish at the prospects of commanding such a small vessel on the open seas in the midst of a world war in which the mortality rate for such crews was considerably higher than that of other naval recruits. He tested out, based upon his expertise in economics, to be a supply officer. He was sent for further training at Notre Dame University in Indiana and to Harvard for administration courses, finally making it into the field of action as a lieutenant in the Pacific in 1944, where he was detailed to the 102nd Construction Battalion (the Seabees) in Finschhafen, New Guinea. While there, he was given the assignment of constructing an open air entertainment amphitheater, which he carried off, promptly, efficiently and under budget. At the maiden performance at the amphitheater, however, a 16-foot long, 45-pound python slithered out of the jungle and into the stands, seemingly intent on making a meal of one of the audience members. The commotion interrupted the performance while the uninvited drama crasher was hauled aside and shot. Decades later, Maroney would recollect with consternation his initial alarm at what had occurred and his later resentment at being called on the carpet by a superior officer over the incident.
Sometime after Douglas MacArthur’s October 1944 return to the Philippines, the U.S. Navy recommitted to establishing its military base of operations there and Maroney, with the Seabees, was given a billet at Subic Bay. As the war was winding down, in mid-1945, Maroney was given a stateside assignment in Stockton at a POW camp for Germans captured in the European Theater. Officially, he was the mess officer at that facility. Nevertheless, as with nearly all of his activity, Maroney would go beyond the letter of his duty, and he was instrumental in humanizing the somewhat dehumanized conditions of confinement to which the soldiers of the Nazi regime found themselves consigned. Calling upon his own accomplishment as a musician, Maroney obtained authorization to recruit from among the prisoners those with musical ability, and thus formed a prison orchestra, to the members of which were entrusted instruments according to their particular talent. In this way, performances within the walls of the prison as well as in venues outside the camp were given. The participating prisoners were provided an outlet for their energy, all prisoners found a respite from their soul-deadening confinement, and the local populace abutting the camp was favored with entertainment and an illustration of the culture and refinement of the German Volk their adherence to Nazism notwithstanding. Perhaps most importantly, the participating musicians were vouchsafed a headstart on being reintegrated back into society and civilization.
After the war had been concluded, Maroney was discharged from the Navy as a lieutenant commander and he too would find himself faced with the same challenge of reintegrating back into a society now jaded with the horrors of the most consuming war in history and its horrific conclusion against the backdrop of the deaths of some 73 million combatants and civilians. Accompanying the positive accomplishment of the defeat of Nazism and Fascism was the negative consequences of the advancement of Soviet Communism. Maroney and his fellow inductees were now faced with returning to a place between the Atlantic and Pacific not much different from the place they had left, one yet beset with the same social ills that had plagued America before the war which in no way had been remedied by the war. By the end of 1946 he had settled upon pursuing law as a career and was attending USC Law School.
He graduated from USC Law School in 1949 and immediately passed the bar. He went to work for Henry Busch, who was then Ontario’s city attorney. He was initially paid $100 a week.
In 1950, he married Loris Mercer, The couple raised eight children born between 1951 and 1965: Gay-Lynne Maroney; Robin Maroney; Raymond Maroney; Susan Maroney, who later married Lee Hudson; John Maroney; and Neal Maroney. Don Maroney had established a home in Upland and all six of his children were born at San Antonio Hospital.
Maroney learned the ropes of the legal profession under Busch, who later, in addition to being Ontario’s in-house counsel, became the city attorney for Upland. After Busch was elevated to the bench, Maroney became Upland’s city attorney, a position he then held for a third of a century.
Maroney loved practicing law and going to the mat for his clients. His habitation of the adversarial system, however, did not blind him to the reality that coming to an accommodation between litigants often represents a far less costly outcome than litigating many matters to a conclusion, and he had perfected the art of compromise to a science. His advice to the junior members of his firm, as well as the municipal department heads in Upland who had found themselves enmeshed in an unforgiving legal confrontation was “just handle it,” which was very often construed as “make a face-saving settlement acceptable to all parties.”
He once told a newspaper reporter who had been informed that Maroney had “never lost a case” that the reporter needed to find more reliable sources of information because, Maroney said, he had lost many a case.
For the last thirty years of his career as an attorney, Maroney was in partnership with Barry Brandt, under the aegis of the firm Maroney and Brandt, at that time Upland’s largest law firm. The relationship between Maroney and Brandt started out as an adversarial one in which they each represented parties in litigation against one another.
According to Barry Brandt, “I was a much younger man and had just come out of the Judge Advocate General’s Office with the Air Force and was practicing at a local law firm. To tell you the truth, I was not completely happy there. Don and I had a case together and as the opposing attorney, he had moved to assign a deposition at a different office and when I showed up for the deposition, Don wasn’t there. I was miffed, I must say, and when I called him up, he was completely apologetic. He bent over backwards to undo the problem. He had inadvertently offended me, but what he did was not out of arrogance. He was something like 13 years my senior and he could have pushed me around on the basis of that, but he did not. That case brought us together. You can learn more about somebody in the course of a trial than just about anywhere else. When you are in battle, the way you behave when you’re in the foxhole tells a whole lot about you and your character. During that trial, I said to myself ‘I want to be around this guy more often’ and when the opportunity came for us to go into practice together, I took it.”
Their firm, Brandt said, dealt in a wide spectrum of the law. Maroney’s line of expertise was in municipal law, business law and probate law. Maroney’s longest lasting, largest and most consistent client was the City of Upland. Brandt said, “Don and I had a lot of business clients between the two of us.”
According to Brandt, “Don had a razor-sharp mind, but he had a real talent for keeping you from thinking he did. He didn’t want you thinking he was smart. He had this self-deprecating manner. But for me, I never forgot who was the wise old sage and who was the understudy.”
There was an element of cunning and stealth to Maroney’s practice of law, Brandt said, which he himself would later benefit from. “We were coming up on a trial and he gave me the file on the case, together with a document that was about to be filed. He told me to read it. I looked it over and said, ‘This is really bad. You can’t file this.’ Don said, ‘Why not?” I said, “Because the opposing lawyer will think you’re an idiot.’ Don said, ‘That isn’t so bad, is it?’’
Brandt learned from his partner in other ways.
“Relatively early on, he was telling me about how he had gone into Los Angeles on a settlement,” Brandt said. “The plaintiff had put a lien on Don’s client’s property. The case was on the brink of being settled. The other lawyer asked Don, ‘Did you bring the check?’ Don said, ‘Yeah. It’s right here.’ Don gave the lawyer the check. The lawyer looked at it and said, ‘Everything appears to be in order. It was nice to meet you.” Don said, ‘Well, then, we need a release.’ The lawyer said, ‘We’re not going to give you a release.’”
Brandt continued with the narrative, “I was still a pretty headstrong young man at this point and I’m thinking about how I would have reacted. I can tell you, I would not have just backed down, and no one would have pulled anything like that on me. No matter what would have happened, I wouldn’t have let another lawyer just walk away with a check like that. At this point I’m upset with Don for letting himself get pushed around. So I asked, ‘What are you going to do?’ Don said, ‘I already did it.’ I said to him, ‘What do you mean?’ Don said, ‘I just said to him, “You know, I’m just a simple country lawyer. This isn’t the first time I’ve been had like this. You really got me,’ and took a step back. He let his guard down when I said that, and I reached out and grabbed the check and put it back into my pocket under my vest. I told him, “When I get the release, you’ll get the check.”’”
Brandt offered another vignette of Maroney in action. “We had a case in Pomona and we were there for a trial setting conference,” Brand said. “Don said he was making a motion for nontrial, to outright dismiss the case. At once, the judge ordered us into chambers. So there we were, in chambers – the judge, Don and I and plaintiff’s counsel – and the judge, who was obviously upset, said ‘What do you mean?’ Don said, ‘Everything he has cited is plain wrong, Your Honor, and you’ll just have to dismiss this case.’ The judge asked why. Don said, ‘With regard to this part, on technical grounds. Look at sections 2840 through 2848 (or whatever it was) and you’ll see why.’ So the judge asked about another one of the causes of action. Don said, ‘Well, that’s covered by Smith vs. Jones, 1937 (or whatever it was). It continued on like that for a few minutes with Don just narrowing the case more and more. Finally, the judge said to the plaintiff’s attorney, ‘It looks like he’s right. I’ll give you ten days to answer on all of those points.’ And ten days later, he dismissed the case.”
Despite Maroney’s ability to tear the opposition’s case to shreds on legal or factual grounds, Brandt said that Maroney had forbearance and empathy, recognizing the imperfections in the legal system and was unwilling or constitutionally incapable of using the law as a cudgel to beat anyone, or just about anyone, into the ground. “He was a peacemaker and dealmaker,” Brandt said. He kept his clients and the city and the people his clients went up against out of vendettas and paybacks. I keep coming back to what his mantra was: ‘Just handle it.’”
In 1971, Maroney moved with his family to Fallbrook, on property that had 20 acres of avocado trees and 25 acres of orange and lemon trees. The Maroney brood, Don and Loris and four of their six children who were not at that point old enough to be attending college lived in a trailer on the property for nearly four months while a house was built. Don was required to make an-hour-and-a-half commute to work at that point.
In 1978, the Maroneys sold the avocado and citrus farm in Fallbrook and moved to Corona.
For three decades, Maroney was a mainstay at Upland City Council meetings. Years later, a position for the city attorney would be reserved for the city attorney and city manager on the council dais, but in those days, Maroney would observe, and on occasion participate in, the proceedings from a position in the first row of seats on the left side of the council chambers. Maroney would sit upright, usually to the immediate right of the city manager. Soon after recitation of the Pledge of Allegiance and the audience was seated, the meeting proper would begin, first with Maroney reporting on any action or non-action taken during the closed door session of the council immediately prior to the public meeting. Voting on the consent calendar would ensue, followed by other items of civic business and/or public hearings. Sometime during the consideration of the consent calendar, Maroney’s eyes would close and he appeared to be asleep. If ever an issue meriting legal attention surfaced during discussion, however, Maroney’s eyes would open and he would offer ample indication through his analysis and comment that he had been hyperconscious throughout.
In 1981, with the last of their children having achieved college age, Don and Loris moved from the large house in Corona to Hacienda Heights.
A challenge that Upland, and therefore Maroney, faced in the 1980s and early 1990s, was the nepotism represented by the presence of Frank Carpenter on the city council and the status of Carpenter’s wife, Dee, as Upland’s elected city clerk. Both were entitled to hold their positions as a consequence of a voter mandate. Yet conflicts manifested and Maroney had to deal with some prickly issues, which required tact and diplomacy, as well as the ability to resolve contentions quietly and out of the public limelight without embarrassment to either husband or wife, without endangering his own position and while keeping the public’s interests from being intruded upon. Maroney would face a similar challenge in the 1990s, when Gail Horton was a member of the city council and her husband, John Scanlon, was fire chief.
In addition, Maroney would also need to deal with headstrong councilmembers and mayors in Upland during his tenure as city attorney, such as Bob Nolan, whose political reach exceeded their legal grasp. Maroney, skillfully, was able to conform their action to the law, requiring them, on occasion to trim their sails, yet somehow maintaining his position as city attorney, despite the consideration that he served at their pleasure and could be terminated by a simple vote of three of the council’s members at any time.
In 1983, Maroney and Loris separated. Don moved to Upland. Soon thereafter, the couple divorced. Maroney, seemingly overnight, became a target of virtually every predatory female over the age of 30 on the eastern end of the San Gabriel Valley and the entirety of San Bernardino Valley. Some were more aggressive than others. Many, it would turn out, had teenaged or adult sons who had fallen afoul of the law and were seeking legal representation for their offspring. Others saw Don as their ticket to riches or social standing, as he might instantly transform one of them into the spouse of Upland’s premier lawyer. One outwardly attractive and alluring woman appeared to be making considerable headway in this regard and was sharpening her claws with a mind of sinking them deeply and securely into Maroney’s flesh. One evening, as the couple was engaged in a serious discussion, which contained a hint of permanence and monogamy, the woman, daringly, asserted she had very high standards and asked if Maroney was prepared to do what it would take to keep her. This broke the giddy air of fascination with which she had been beguiling her prey, and Don adroitly disengaged himself from her thereafter.
In 1994, Don, at the age of 74 was no longer playing tennis and had moved to Pinion Hills in the desert just northwest of the Cajon Pass. At that point he was felled by what was termed a “baby stroke.” This hampered his function somewhat, but not completely. He did not remain in Pinion Hills long, thereafter, moving in 1995 to Oceanside. The following year, he retired for good as an attorney. When he left as Upland’s city attorney, the city would award him a plaque with the words “Just handle it.” A handle was attached to the plaque.
Shortly after he retired, he married Loretta Roknian, the widow of a former client. They relocated to Upland. Don quickly recognized the union was an unwise one and the couple were separated for more of the two years their marriage lasted than they were together. The divorce finalized, with Mrs. Maroney, nee Roknian, realizing very little in the way of profit from the short term nuptials.
Once he was no longer in the thick of legal issues, he said, more than once, that he wanted to take up being a college student once more, and study auto mechanics.
In 2000, Maroney moved to Apple Valley, where he remained for the remainder of his life.
On occasion, Maroney reimmersed himself into public issues, in particular in Upland. After his departure, the City of Gracious Living had careened into scandal following the election of John Pomierski as mayor and the establishment of a political machine that used as its capital the proceeds from bribes paid to ensure the approval of projects and proposals being processed at Upland City Hall. From time to time Maroney wrote missives to Upland elected officials, making observations of the anomalies he detected, warning that things were amiss or offering his advice as to how the city should proceed.
“He was just a remarkable guy,” said Brandt. “He was a gentleman’s gentleman and his guiding principle was kindness. He had six kids and he looked after them. There was some illness in his family and he always made sure those things were taken care of. He retired before I did and was living up in Apple Valley and I would go to see him. He had been bedridden for a few months earlier this year and his speech was impaired. But a few weeks ago, he seemed to be getting better. He was 96 and it seemed like he might make it to 100. Last week, he took a turn for the worse.”
There was nothing dramatic at the end. Maroney went to bed on Friday night and never woke up.
Maroney is survived by his children: Gay-Lynne Maroney, Robin Maroney, Raymond Maroney, Susan Maroney Hudson and her husband Lee, John Maroney and his wife Jennifer, Neal Maroney and his wife Lisa; 4 grandchildren, Elliot Maroney, Emily Aprea, Kevin Maroney, Courtney Maroney; and 3 great grandchildren. Don was married 33 years to the late Loris Mercer.

San Bernardino National Forest Announces Winter Bald Eagle Count Dates

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SAN BERNARDINO, November 29, 2016 –The annual bald eagle counts for this winter are scheduled for the following Saturday mornings: December 10th, January 14th, February 11th, and March 11th. No experience is needed. Signing up ahead of time is unnecessary – just show up at the designated time and location, dress warmly, bring binoculars and a watch.
Big Bear Lake area volunteers will meet at 8:00 a.m. at the Forest Service’s Big Bear Discovery Center on North Shore Drive for orientation. Contact Robin Eliason (reliason@fs.fed.us or 909-382-2832) for more information. Please call 909-382-2832 for cancellation due to winter weather conditions – an outgoing message will be left by 6:30 am on the morning of the count, if it has to be cancelled. Contact the Discovery Center (909-382-2790) for information about Eagle Celebrations. There will also be a free slideshow about bald eagles at 11:00 after the counts.
Lake Arrowhead/Lake Gregory volunteers will meet at 8:00 a.m. at the Skyforest Ranger Station for orientation. Contact Robin Eliason (reliason@fs.fed.us or 909-382-2832) for more information. Please call 909-382-2832 for cancellation due to winter weather conditions – an outgoing message will be left by 6:30 am on the morning of the count if it has to be cancelled.
Silverwood Lake State Recreation Area volunteers should plan to meet at the Visitor Center at 8:00 a.m. for orientation. Contact Kathy Williams or Mark Wright for more information about volunteering or taking an eagle tour (760-389-2303 between 8:00 and 4:00; or email: khwilliams@parks.ca.gov).

California Style: Street Fashion Credibility

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By Grace Bernal
Two weeks ago I traveled outside of San Bernardino County to the Los Angeles Mission and visited with Scott Johnson, who is the vice president of operations. I had the opportunity to meet with Christian Urias who lives in the L.A. Mission. Christian was one of 15 people accepted into Pepperdine University’s special program degree certification for the homeless. He will be graduating December 15th 2016. Upon completion Christian’s goal is to go mobile with his fashion ideas. He intends to help homeless people living on the streets and low income people by bringing his mobile boutique to them with affordable fashion prices. Twentyfive-year-old Christian was living dangerously on the streets, and with the help of the Los Angeles Mission and the Mission chaplain he received help to jump start into society through the enterprise program offered by Pepperdine University for L.A. Mission people who are wanting to better themselves. The program teaches entrepreneurial skills, and through this Chris got the idea of his mobile boutique. Pepperdine also offers a grant once the course is completed, and Chris is part of the grant due to his completed business plan. The small grant is to help get started and get out of homelessness. This kid has definitely been through some trials and tribulations but his plan and love for fashion is what has kept him from going back to a life on the streets and onward to a life that he really wants. He is on his way to to getting his mobile boutique, and clothes lined up but will continue to need help. If you would like to learn more about Chris and how to help jumpstart his career, please reach out: Scott Johnson His number at the Los Angeles Mission is: (213) 629-1227 x 467, or email: Sjohnson@lamission.net. Chris’s art is sure to take him places, and it is only because of his determination and passion for living doing what he truly loves. He has a way to go to get his Mobil boutique but for now he’s survived the fashion street scene.
“City streets are the real runways” – Anonymous