By Gail Fry and Mark Gutglueck
Bill Postmus, the once dominant figure in San Bernardino County politics whose meteoric rise was abruptly curtailed as his public career imploded in a tawdry scandal nearly a decade ago, has stealthily positioned himself into a position of influence within the tightly-knit circle of key decision makers controlling the region’s Republican Party apparatus.
Just as the application of staggering amounts of money collected from GOP-affiliated donors in the early 2000s allowed Postmus to cinch up his hold on the Republican Party’s machinery and extend his reach and influence to a point where he was able to bend both party endorsements and county governmental policy to his will, he has within the last two-and-a-half years tapped into a revenue stream of unknown origin which he has used to empower a select group of Republican office holders who have in turn granted him reentry into the party’s inner sanctum.
Perhaps the most significant of the current group of rising San Bernardino County Republican Party figures and functionaries Postmus has latched onto in his recent secretive power-wielding incarnation is Jeremiah Brosowske, upon whose nascent political career the regional Party of Lincoln appears to be staking its future.
Key to the strategy Postmus used to insinuate himself back into the thick of San Bernardino County politics was his creation of an entity through which he could make the aforementioned applications of funds without his connection to that entity being publicly known. At the same time, the recipients of those funds would know exactly who was passing that money along to them, and would be able to report whatever money their various political campaigns received from Postmus as coming from the entity Postmus had created, about which little more than its name would be known.
Beginning more than two years ago, a select group of politicians in San Bernardino County, primarily ones in the High Desert/Victor Valley, were provided with money in substantial amounts by Mountain States Consulting Group. Initially, those donations were lost in the swirl of political activity in the run-up to the 2016 election. In time, however, Mountain States Consulting Group’s activity was noted and inquiries as to its nature and ownership were made. Specifics with regard to the entity, however, defied clarification or discovery. The recipients of Mountain States Consulting Group’s largesse were tight-lipped, refusing to go beyond the bare minimum of information relating to it provided in their campaign disclosure documents, which simply provided the dates the donations were made, the amounts those donations entailed and a reference to the donor as “Mountain States Consulting Group Victorville, CA 92392.” Efforts through normal channels to shed further light on the entity, including searches for a business license issued by the City of Victorville, a fictitious business name recordation with the San Bernardino County Clerk’s office or a registration as a corporation, partnership, limited liability company or any other form of business with the California Secretary of State proved dead ends. Further gumshoeing that involved burning shoe leather and physically surveying likely locations for the consulting business among Victorville’s various professional office buildings came up empty. Slightly more information became available when it was found that Hesperia City Council Candidate Rebekah Swanson reported having received $3,300 in loans in two installments of $1,800 and $1,500 during her 2016 campaign from “Mountain States Consulting Group 12127 Mall Blvd STE 188 Victorville, CA 92392-7665.” That promising lead was dashed, however, when it was discovered that Suite 188 at 12127 Mall Boulevard in Victorville is the UPS Store at the Victor Valley Mall, which among other professional services provides customers with postal boxes. Because of UPS’s policy, it would not provide outside inquirers with any identification of who had leased the postal box other than the company name of Mountain States Consulting Group.
While the mystery of who, precisely, was in control of Mountain States Consulting Group persisted, a young Republican Party operative, Jeremiah Brosowske, was seeking to make a transition from operative status to that of elected official, transforming from someone who had been a political hanger-on who assisted politicians to becoming a politician himself.
Homegrown in the Victor Valley, Brosowske graduated from Granite Hills High School in Apple Valley and he enrolled at Victor Valley College, where he was elected to the Associated Student Body Council and Senate, serving in the post of parliamentarian and ultimately rising to the position of ASB vice president. He became thoroughly involved in campus politics at Victor Valley College, including serving as a member of the budget committee and facilities committee. In addition, he served as the student representative on the Victor Valley College Measure JJ Oversight Committee, which was chartered to monitor the expenditure of $297,500,000 in general obligation bonds to upgrade, expand, and construct school facilities passed by more than fifty-five percent of Victor Valley’s voters in November 2008.
From there, Brosowske was drawn into what has been a continual life in politics, Republican politics specifically. He became involved in a number of election or reelection campaigns. In 2013, Curt Hagman, who had served on the Chino Hills City Council as both a council member and mayor before garnering election to the California Assembly in 2008, was nearing the end of his allotted six years in the Assembly based on the term limit regulations in place at that time. He orchestrated a silent coup to move then-San Bernardino County Republican Party Chairman Robert Rego out of the county party’s top spot and assume it himself, better positioning himself to make a run for San Bernardino County Fourth District supervisor in 2014. Once he had acceded to the county party chairmanship, Hagman had repeated contact with the then-22-year-old Brosowske, who exhibited an uncommon enthusiasm and energetic intensity in his involvement on behalf of the party. Under Hagman’s tutelage, Brosowske was given one challenging assignment after another, which he dutifully fulfilled, gaining Hagman’s confidence. Consequently, Hagman hired Brosowske at the age of 23 into the post of executive director of the San Bernardino County Republican Central Committee.
Brosowske, who was referred to by San Bernardino County party loyalists as “a young man with a plan,” sought to demonstrate his value to the party by pushing to staff party headquarters from 9-to-5 on weekdays and to bring in party volunteers to man the office on weekends. He involved himself in eight campaigns for Republican candidates. Hagman credited Brosowske with guiding all eight of those candidates to victory.
While he was in that executive director position in 2016, Brosowske made a political move on his own behalf, seeking election to the Republican Central Committee, upon which there are eight allotted slots representing the First Supervisorial District, eight allotted slots representing the county’s Second District, nine allotted slots representing the county’s Third District, five allotted slots representing the county’s Fourth District and three representing the county’s Fifth District. The county’s First District encompasses a major portion of the county’s desert region. Eleven people ran in that election, including Hesperia councilmen Eric Schmidt and Paul Russ, Hesperia Unified School District Board Member Eric Swanson and his wife, Rebekah Swanson. Though Brosowske had considerable experience by that point functioning in political circles, he had little in the way of name recognition among the electorate and he finished eleventh in the race. Unfazed by his temporary setback at the hands of Republican voters, Brosowske remained loyal to the party. Hagman, as San Bernardino County’s Fourth District Supervisor, offered Brosowske a position with his office as an analyst. Brosowske, who had managed Paul Russ’s successful 2014 campaign for Hesperia City Council, remained active in promoting Republican candidates in local races, including that of Rebekah Swanson for Hesperia City Council in the 2016 race.
Despite Brosowske’s inability to vault electorally into a position on the San Bernardino County Republican Central Committee, there was a recognition among a core group in the local GOP that Brosowske possessed the charisma, attitude, perseverant dedication and temperament the party needed in its leadership and elected office holders to offset the increasing gap favoring the Democrats over the Republicans in San Bernardino County in terms of voter registration numbers. Among the Republican Party’s current crop of office holders including Hagman, a consensus had grown that Brosowske should be groomed for higher office, including supervisor, state legislature and Congress.
It was in 2016 that Mountain States Consulting Group emerged onto the San Bernardino County political scene. Without fanfare, the company put the 25-year-old Brosowske to work by contracting with Brosowske’s company, Next Generation Holdings LLC, securing for him his ability to support himself, while leaving him at liberty to pursue his political interests.
In May of this year, Hesperia Mayor Russ Blewett died. Rather than hold an election to fill the resulting vacancy until what would have been the end of Blewett’s term later this year, the council, after elevating Councilman Bill Holland into the mayor’s position, invited residents of the city to apply for appointment to fill in the council gap.
Brosowske, along with Brigit Bennington, Victoria Dove, Russell Harris, Linda Holder, Robert Nelson, Anthony Rhoades, Veronica Rios and Chester Watts, applied for the council position. After considering those applications and interviewing during a specially-scheduled meeting on the evening of July 11 all of the candidates except Watts, who was infirm and could not attend, the council voted 3-to-1, with Paul Russ, Bill Holland and Rebekah Swanson prevailing and councilman Larry Bird dissenting, to appoint Brosowske.
The Republican establishment, the Hesperia establishment and the construction industry wanted Brosowske appointed. His selection was never in doubt, as he had provided key support to two of the council members – Russ and Swanson – in their respective electoral efforts in 2014 and 2016.
Without having attained actual election, Brosowske had achieved political incumbency, occupying an elective office and having a leg up in terms of the upcoming electoral effort he would need to make to remain in office, as the council positions to which the late Blewett, Russ and Holland had been elected in 2014 were subject to contest this year. In short order, Brosowske indicated he would be vying to stay in office in November. Hesperia this year is transitioning from at-large elections to by-district suffrage. In the at-large elections that had existed from the city’s onset in 1988, a gaggle of candidates would run for office citywide in which two positions on the five-member city council were up in the years corresponding to presidential races and three positions were contested in the years corresponding to California’s gubernatorial races. Under the newly-adopted district system, the city has been divided into five wards, and candidates must run as the single representative of the district in which they reside and only those voters living in that district are eligible to vote in that specific race.
Either by luck or as the result of the calculations the city council had been able to engage in when voting upon the district map to be adopted and the scheduling of the city’s ward elections, Holland resides in District 2, which has its council seat up for election this year; Russ is a resident in District 3, which has a council position up for election this year, and Brosowske is a resident of District 4, where a third city council contest is set for this year.
Brosowske’s ascendancy to office invited immediate comparisons to that of Bill Postmus, who in 2000 while running as a conservative Christian-and-family-values Republican was elected First District Supervisor, representing all of San Bernardino County’s desert communities. At the age of 29, he was the third youngest supervisor to ever serve in San Bernardino County throughout its then-147-year history.
Postmus continued to make a mercurial rise in political and governmental status and stature following his election as supervisor. In 2002, Paul Biane, a slightly older member of Postmus’s generation than was Postmus, was elected supervisor in the county’s Second District. Biane was like Postmus a Republican, and the two quickly formed a firm political alliance. 2004 was a watershed year for Postmus. In addition to being reelected as supervisor, he was chosen from among his peers to serve as chairman of the board of supervisors and was also elevated, as a member of the San Bernardino County Republican Central Committee to be its chairman. Simultaneously, Biane had likewise been elevated to vice chairman of the board of supervisors and the San Bernardino County Republican Central Committee. By virtue of his electoral office and the accumulation of seniority, rank and primacy pursuant to the offices he held combined with his political alliances, Postmus at that point bestrode San Bernardino County like a political colossus. In the summer of 2004 he was invited to be among the select group of Republican Party members sharing the stage with then-President George Bush as he gave his acceptance speech at the Republican National Convention. Seated behind the president and prominently visible on the CBS, NBC, ABC, CNN and Fox News broadcasts of the event was Postmus. At home in San Bernardino County, where Republicans held clear ascendancy over Democrats and were outdistancing them in terms of both voter registration and voter turnout at the polls, Postmus as the local GOP leader continued to assert himself, espousing a hardcore pro-law enforcement and national defense Republican line and touting fiscal and social conservatism, bemoaning the corrosive influence of liberalism and assailing Democrats at every turn. Among his office-holding colleagues and other members of the party throughout the county it was taken for granted that Postmus was a shoo-in for higher office. The only question seemed to be whether he would make a detour to the Assembly or the California Senate before he ran for Congress. One Republican office holder in particular, then-Victorville City Councilman Bob Hunter, openly stated that Postmus was U.S. Senatorial material. The possibility existed, Hunter said, that Postmus might need to cut his career in the Senate short to take up residence in the Governor’s Mansion in Sacramento. And it was not unthinkable, Hunter said, that sometime within the coming quarter of a century Bill Postmus would be President of the United States.
In 2005, Postmus in tandem with Biane, orchestrated a power play that further consolidated their power. Noting that far-flung San Bernardino County covered a total of 20,105 square miles, which exceeded the land area of Rhode Island, Connecticut, New Jersey and Delaware combined, Postmus and Biane complained that because of the tremendous distances members of the San Bernardino County Republican Central Committee had to travel there was often a lack of a quorum in attendance at the central committee meetings, thereby preventing that body from taking important action with regard to pressing political matters and issues. The solution they proposed was to establish an executive board of the central committee and give it the power to act, through a majority vote of its members, with the full authority of the central committee. After the general membership of the central committee assented to that change, Postmus and Biane installed as members of the executive board both of themselves and, with a single exception, individuals who were employed by them as members of their county board of supervisors staffs. In this way they had a complete lock on the San Bernardino County Republican Party apparatus and control of how local party money would be spent in supporting candidates for public office. This rendered them virtual kingmakers.
In 2006, while he was still in seeming command of San Bernardino County’s political and governmental reins, Postmus orchestrated the Republican nomination of his close political associate and supervisorial staff member, Anthony Adams, for the California Assembly in the 59th District. Adams cruised to victory in the November 2006 election, as the Republicans held a decided advantage over the Democrats in the 59th District in terms of voter registration. That year, while Postmus yet had two years remaining on his term as supervisor, he challenged the incumbent county assessor, Don Williamson, for reelection. With two others involved in the June primary election, Postmus managed to get the support of 77,518 voters or 46.86 percent of the vote countywide to Williamson’s 55,103 votes or 33.26 percent, forcing a run-off in the November 2006 election. Over the course of the campaign, Postmus spent slightly more than $4 million, which still stands as a record for the most money ever spent on a San Bernardino County electoral campaign. In November 2006, Postmus prevailed over Williamson, 158,571 votes or 52.62 percent to 141,621 votes or 47 percent, with 1,144 write-in votes or .38 percent.
The assessor is the primary taxing authority in the county, and has the discretion to cut land owners and business owners a break on the amount of property and asset taxes they are to pay on their land and equipment/vehicles/factories, by reducing the assessed valuations on that land and assets. By becoming assessor, Postmus had thus placed himself in position to induce large landowners and business owners to provide him and candidates he designated with political contributions in return for his kindness to them. This strengthened Postmus for a future run for state or federal office.
In departing as supervisor to become assessor, Postmus provided an object demonstration of his political gravitas, prevailing upon his board colleagues before he left to appoint Brad Mitzelfelt to fill out the remaining two years of his term as supervisor. Mitzelfelt had been one of his closest political associates over the years, a primary functionary in the Postmus political machine who had managed Postmus’s original campaign for supervisor in 2000, someone who had served the entirety of Postmus’s time in office as his chief of staff, and was a member of the Republican Central Committee chosen to serve as a member of that panel’s executive board which instituted Postmus’s virtually unfettered domination of the county central committee. In this way, Postmus appeared to be extending, beyond his time in office, control over the First District, the board of supervisors, and the county itself.
Less than two years into his term as assessor, there ensued a succession of revelations about Postmus that would dash forever his political prospects. The conservative persona he had exhibited publicly was in actuality diametric to every aspect of his private self. A severely drug addicted homosexual who was wantonly engaged in a so-called P & P, or Party and Play, lifestyle, Postmus would on a daily basis troll specialty internet sites for men he had never before met interested in hooking up for one night stands in which they would engage in dawn-to-dusk methamphetamine-fueled sodomy marathons. Postmus’s methamphetamine use was prodigious, involving converting it into a liquefied form and injecting it. He also had an affinity for amyl nitrate as well as huffing, that is, engaging in the inhalation of chemical vapors from such sources as industrial solvents, paint thinner, gasoline, felt-tip markers, nail polish remover, glue, spray paint, aerosol sprays and nitrites, all for their euphoric effect. Top ranking county officials knew of Postmus’s drug use by his last year as supervisor, but had kept quiet about it, at least in part because of the tremendous authority and power he wielded over them. Rumors began to surface that the reclusiveness Postmus began to manifest after he was assessor was an attempt to mask his drug use. He weathered that storm, but ultimately, when the district attorney’s office began to look into reports that the assessor’s office was being used for partisan political purposes, methamphetamine and syringes to inject it were found when a search warrant was served at his residence. Ultimately, after Postmus’ secrets were revealed and it became known that he had hired into high paying assessor’s office positions no fewer than 13 of his political associates and/or one-time boyfriends who had no experience or expertise in the real estate industry nor skills with regard property appraisal or taxing policy, he resigned from office. He was criminally prosecuted, pleading guilty to 14 felony public corruption charges. No fewer than eight of his political associates were likewise arrested and charged with various crimes relating to the abuse of the governmental system and violations of public trust growing out of their activities in conjunction with Postmus. Four of those were convicted.
In 2009, shortly after Postmus’s fall from grace, the number of registered Democrats eclipsed the number of registered Republicans in San Bernardino County. For at least the previous three decades, the Republicans had been in ascendancy in San Bernardino County. Even after 2009, Republican candidates in San Bernardino County continued to outpoll their Democrat counterparts, largely on the basis of the tendency of Republicans to generally turn out to vote in far greater numbers than Democrats. Thus, San Bernardino County yet remains as one of the last bastions of concentrated Republican officeholders in the State of California, where the Democrats hold a near two-thirds majority in the state legislature and where its governor and both of the state’s U.S. Senators are Democrats and 39 of the state’s 53 members of Congress are Democrats. At present 16 of San Bernardino County’s 24 municipalities have more Republicans on their city or town councils than Democrats; three of the five members of the board of supervisors are Republicans; five of the county’s eight Assembly members are Republicans and four of the county’s six California State Senate members are Republicans. Three of the five Congress members representing San Bernardino County are Democrats. Still, one of those Democratic Congress members, Judy Chu, received fewer votes in San Bernardino County than her Republican opponent in 2016 and is in office on the strength of the Democratic vote in her district outside of San Bernardino County. Nevertheless, while San Bernardino County remains a Republican bastion, it is trending more and more toward the Democrats. As of this week, 360,242 or 39.5 percent of the county’s 911,631 registered voters were affiliated with the Democratic Party; 273,785 or 30 percent were registered Republicans; 225,552 or 24.7 percent declared no party preference, and the balance were registered with more obscure political organizations such as the Green or American Independent parties. In the county’s First and Third districts, the Republicans hold relatively slim registration advantage margins over the Democrats of 34.6 percent to 33.7 percent and 35.7 to 35.2 percent, respectively. In the county’s Second, Fourth and Fifth districts the Democrats have managed to register greater numbers of voters with their party than have the Republicans succeeded in affiliating voters with theirs by substantial and overwhelming differences, 38.4 percent to 31.8 percent, 41.9 to 26.9 percent and 49.8 percent to 19.3 percent, respectively.
The leaders of the Republican Party in San Bernardino County who have seen their party maintain its control locally over the last several years based primarily on the higher voter turnout among Republicans and the poor organizational and coordination performance of the Democrats recognize that their political edge is steadily eroding. For years they have been casting about for a charismatic figure, someone who can inspire more and more unaffiliated voters to register Republican and vote consistently, someone who can replicate what Postmus did for the San Bernardino County Republican Party in the early part of the first decade of the Third Millennium.
Following his political demise, Postmus remained in what was essentially exile for approaching eight years. In 2016, he gingerly and without fanfare reentered the political fray. In doing so, he deliberately sought to not draw any attention to himself, knowing full well that the public yet harbored deep negative associations with his name. Significantly, in launching that undertaking, Postmus’s action in San Bernardino County was paralleled by that of another once-powerful Republican politician in California whose political trajectory had arced downwards as the result of scandal, albeit a scandal of far lesser dimension than that which felled Postmus.
Tony Strickland was like Postmus, something of a Boy Wonder of Republican politics. A year older than Postmus, he was even more politically precocious, having been elected to the California Assembly in the 37th District in 1998, when he was 28 years old. He served a full six years in the Assembly, the maximum duration he was allowed to at that time under California’s term limits, leaving in 2004. He remained wired into the California political establishment by virtue of the consideration that he was succeeded as Assembly member by his wife, Audra, who herself served six years in the 37th District until she was obliged to leave pursuant to term limits in 2010. Tony Strickland vied unsuccessfully for California State Controller in 2006, losing to John Chiang. In 2008, he ran for California State Senate in the 19th District, beating his Democratic opponent, former state Assemblywoman Hannah-Beth Jackson. In 2010, as a sitting state senator with two years remaining on his four year term, he again ran for California State Controller in a rematch against Chiang. Strickland lost.
In 2012, Strickland opted against seeking reelection as state senator and instead ran for Congress in California’s 26th Congressional District. He was defeated by Democrat Julia Brownley. In 2014, Strickland vied for Congress yet again, this time in California’s 25th Congressional District, from which Congressman Howard “Buck” McKeon was retiring that year. Despite having McKeon’s endorsement and those of former Republican presidential and vice presidential candidates Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan, he lost to another Republican, then-California State Senator Steve Knight.
In 2016, following a California Fair Political Practices Commission investigation that had been ongoing for more than five years, it was determined that Strickland routed $65,000 in illegal contributions from three individuals to his campaign against Chiang for controller in 2010. State Fair Political Practice investigators and attorneys established that Strickland utilized donors to funnel money into his campaign through the Ventura County Republican Party and the Stanislaus County Republican Party committees, allowing the original donors to conceal their identities in state filings and thus bypass what was then the state-imposed contribution limit of $6,500 per election for controller’s candidates.
The California Fair Political Practices Commission, which had charged Strickland with 16 counts of violating state election law, initially proposed that an $80,000 fine be assessed against him, which would have been one of the most hefty monetary assessments against a politician for campaign reporting/money laundering violations in California. Strickland had the option of contesting the charges but elected to not do so, instead acknowledging the violations, according to Galena West, the Fair Political Practice Commission’s chief of enforcement. In deference to Strickland’s admission and acknowledgment of the violation, the original number of counts was cut in half to eight and the proposed $80,000 fine was reduced to $40,000.
Strickland’s political career, or at least his ability to remain involved in politics, survived the scandal. He retained his position as the California chairman of the Committee for American Sovereignty, a pro-Donald Trump super political action committee. He also served as a delegate for Trump at the Republican Party Convention in 2016. He is currently the president and CEO of Strong America, a political action committee and advocacy group.
With San Bernardino County’s voter registration numbers trending ever more in favor of the Democrats, indeed so lopsidedly in favor of the Democrats that in roughly two thirds of county they will very likely soon more than offset the greater Republican voter turn-out factor that is keeping the GOP on top in the county, the Republican Party’s existential dilemma is becoming critical. With the Republican leadership in San Bernardino County on the lookout for someone who will fit the mold of a young and charismatic, clean-cut, conservative values-espousing Republican who can electrify the party’s members, Jeremiah Brosowske arrived on the scene, hardly distinguishable from what Postmus appeared to be before events overtook him.
Shortly thereafter, Postmus and Strickland entered the picture. Previously, how Brosowske was holding body and soul together was something of a mystery. With his appointment to the Hesperia City Council, he is now required to fill out a statement of economic interest, a document known as a California Form 700. On schedule A-2 of Brosowske’s Form 700, which pertains to “investments, income and assets of business entities/trusts,” Brosowske disclosed his ownership/interest in Next Generation Holdings LLC, the fair market value of which Brosowske listed as between $100,000 and $1 million. The general description of the business Next Generation Holdings LLC is engaged in, according to the Form 700, is “government consulting.” Brosowske’s position with Next Generation Holdings LLC was given as “managing member.” His share of the gross annual income from Next Generation Holdings, LLC is, according to the Form 700, between $10,000 and $100,000 annually. The document lists two entities that are single sources of income to Next Generation Holdings, LLC, one being “Mountain States Consulting Group LLC” and the other being “Tony Strickland Consulting Inc.”
The Sentinel has obtained the corporate documents for Mountain States Consulting Group LLC, which for so long had eluded discovery by those trying to trace the company’s origin in California. Those corporation papers were filed not in Sacramento nor anywhere else in California, nor in either of two other states that are commonly used for the registering of corporate entities or businesses, Nevada and Delaware. Rather, Mountain States Consulting Group LLC is registered as a limited liability company with the State of Wyoming though the Wyoming Secretary of State’s Office in Cheyenne. That document dated January 29, 2016, a copy of which is now in the possession of the Sentinel, shows that Mountain States Consulting Group LLC was registered by “William Postmus.”
As previously noted, Mountain States Consulting Group has made political contributions to San Bernardino County officeholders. Among those recipients is Paul Russ, who received $4,000 from Mountain States Consulting Group during his 2016 run for San Bernardino County supervisor. Rebekah Swanson was provided with a $3,300 loan from Mountain States Consulting Group during her 2016 Hesperia City Council run.
The Sentinel has been unable to determine the origin of the money being passed through, or in other terms laundered by, Mountain States Consulting Group, which is making its way to Next Generation Holdings LLC/Brosowske as income and to other politicians as campaign donations.
Earlier today, the Sentinel attempted to reach Brosowske, lodging at the same time a set of questions with regard to his connections and interactions with both Mountain States Consulting Group/Postmus and Tony Strickland Consulting Group.
Brosowske did not respond to whether he considered himself to be an employee of Mountain States Consulting or in the alternative what order of professional relationship he had with that company, together with what services he has provided to Mountain States Consulting Group and what sort of services Mountain States Consulting Group provides its clients. Nor did Brosowske respond to who Mountain States Consulting Group’s clients were and which ones of those he had done worked for.
Brosowske did not respond to questions seeking from him a more exact accounting of what income he and/or Next Generation Holdings had received from Mountain States Consulting Group beyond the indication on the Form 700 he had filled out showing he and/or the company he is the managing member of had received at least $10,000 in direct payment from Postmus’s company. Nor did Brosowske delineate the exact amount of money he had received from Strickland.
Brosowske demurred at responding to questions about what the exact nature of his relationship and that of his campaign is with Bill Postmus and Tony Strickland, and whether Postmus was one of his political advisers or his campaign manager or whether Postmus was engaging in fundraising efforts on his campaign’s behalf.
The Sentinel further inquired of Brosowske as to how familiar he was with Bill Postmus’s political history and if he was in any way concerned that his association with Postmus politically might have a deleterious impact, through the simple factor of association either rightly or wrongly, on his own political fortunes, presentability and viability. Brosowske made no response to that question and he did not indicate one way or the other whether he had similar concerns about what impact Postmus’s involvement with current Republican candidates might have on the party’s efforts to maintain its primacy in San Bernardino County. Asked if he believed that Bill Postmus, despite his past political and legal travails, still has something to offer to the community and if so, whether he thought his campaign might be a fitting means by which Postmus could make a contribution to the Republican Party and society in general, Brosowske offered no response.